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SEC pay-to-play repeal won't rewrite the compliance manual

The proposed rollback of the 2010 political-contribution rule leaves the blanket bans firms adopted to avoid it standing until chief compliance officers choose to reopen them.

At a glance

  1. For advisory firms, the question is whether the compliance manual will follow the regulation.
  2. Chair Paul Atkins calls the rule “needlessly penalizing, burdensome and complex to implement” and insists the agency “is not the nation’s elections regulator,” even though the rule technically accommodates small gifts of $350 per election cycle to candidates an advisor is eligible to vote for and $150 to others.
  3. None of that is news to firms with government clients.

The Securities and Exchange Commission has opened a public comment period, WealthManagement.com reports, on a proposal to eliminate the political-contribution restrictions in the Advisers Act, the regime that bars an investment advisor from taking compensation from a government client for two years after making a contribution to an official tied to that client. For advisory firms, the question is whether the compliance manual will follow the regulation.

Chair Paul Atkins calls the rule “needlessly penalizing, burdensome and complex to implement” and insists the agency “is not the nation’s elections regulator,” even though the rule technically accommodates small gifts of $350 per election cycle to candidates an advisor is eligible to vote for and $150 to others. In practice, Atkins says, firms skip the accounting and simply prohibit employee contributions across the board. The commission treats that behavior as evidence the rule suppresses speech, but for a compliance officer it was always the rational answer to an unforgiving two-year penalty.

None of that is news to firms with government clients. The 2010 rule, approved on June 30 of that year, was created to stop public officials from selecting advisors on the basis of campaign support rather than merit, and SEC officials at the time stressed the restriction was a limited “time-out” rather than a ban on contributions, warning that unchecked practices could steer business toward advisors with higher fees or worse performance. The rule has produced numerous enforcement actions since, and each case reinforced an institutional instinct: keep the contributions at zero and the question never arises.

The manual is the last regulator

The current commission’s proposal would delete the political-contribution rule in its entirety, and its three sitting Republican commissioners — Atkins, Mark Uyeda and Hester Peirce — argue the rescission would not open the door to fraud. One consumer protection advocate quoted by WealthManagement.com counters that the commission’s free-speech rationale is a lie and that the rule curbed corruption. That split is a reminder that repeal does not settle the reputational question for a firm paid by a government client, because the optics of a donation to the official who hires you survive the statute.

What the SEC cannot rescind is the employer policy written in its shadow, the blanket prohibition on political contributions many firms imposed in response to the 2010 rule, an internal restriction far broader than the federal time-out. That policy lives in the firm’s manual and has its own inertia: no one gets criticized for keeping a restrictive compliance rule after the underlying regulation disappears, and a firm will not pick a fight with its chief compliance officer to restore an employee’s right to write a $350 check.

Hybrid firms have an additional layer to watch, because the SEC proposal reaches the Advisers Act while broker-dealers remain subject to a parallel pay-to-play rule that runs through FINRA. A dual-registered practice advising government clients through its RIA and distributing through its broker-dealer should expect the legal restriction to depend on which license the business uses, at least until FINRA moves on its own.

The opportunity in the comment period is to deliberate rather than react. A firm that wants to preserve a blanket ban can do so, and it should say so explicitly in its procedures rather than letting a relic of 2010 masquerade as a considered judgment. A firm that wants to restore room for political donations has a clear path: define the de minimis threshold, name the employees permitted to contribute, and build a simple confirmation step before a check is written. That is the compliance structure the SEC designed in the first place; firms abandoned it because surrender was easier.

The manual is likely to stay closed, since many political-contribution policies began as one-line bans and a rescission gives a firm no obvious reason to reopen them. The world after the SEC acts would be one in which the federal two-year disqualification disappears, FINRA’s version remains for broker-dealers, and the silent third layer — the firm’s own zero-tolerance policy — keeps operating as if 2010 never ended. Advisors who want the flexibility should do the work now, while the public comment period makes the internal change explainable; waiting for the final rule means waiting for a compliance update that may never arrive.

Reported by the Practice management desk from WealthManagement.com. Published . Corrections

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